The union has delivered peace and stability. It is the great miracle of the second half of the 20th century; No miracle marketed itself so badly. It has also suffered from ideological exhaustion, remoteness, division and failure with an effective common immigration policy – opening the way for Salvinis salvos to hit home in a country that is the first stop for many African immigrants.  Salvini grew up in Milan in a middle class family, released from the university, joined the league in the early 1990s and was formed by years working on Radio Padania where he would listen to the Italians' whine "What he heard was a complaint about immigrants, Europe, the rich," said Emanuele Fiano, a center-left parliamentarian. "He goes with it and is now the border dangerous."
Another threat, as in Trumps USA, is of moral collapse. "I'm not a fascist but…" Is a phrase heard in Italy, with some positive judgment on Mussolini to round off the sentence. Salvini, in the judgment of Claudio Gatti, whose book "The Demons of Salvini" was just published in Italian, is "post-fascist" – he refines many of his methods for a 21st century audience.
Barca told me the setting up of rural areas – closure of small hospitals, marginal courses, high schools – is behind Salvini's rise. Almost 65 percent of Italian land and perhaps 25 percent of its population have been affected by these cuts. "The rural areas and the peripheries, the places where people feel like no one, are home to the league and the five-star," he said. To the people there, Salvini explains: I will defend you. He doesn't offer a dream. He offers protection – primarily against the hit threat of immigrants, whose figures actually dropped before taking his mission because of an agreement that met with Libya.
The big task in front of the parties in the center-left and middle-right that will most likely be beaten in this choice is to reconnect. They must restore a sense of recognition to the forgotten globalization. Pedro Sánchez, the Socialist Spanish Prime Minister, won only one important election winnings after pushing a 22 percent increase in the minimum wage, the largest in Spain in 40 years. There is a lesson there. The nationalist backlash is powerful, but the European European liberal feeling is still stronger. If the European election feels more important, it is also because European identity is growing.
As for the curious Italian political laboratory, Bannon is investing in it. He founded a "Jewish-Christian West Academy" in a 14th-century monastery outside Rome. Its courses, he told me, will include "history, aesthetics and simply instruction on how to get things done, including up to pressure, sucking TV interviews with someone from CNN or The Guardian who rips your face."
Bannon describes himself as an admirer of George Soros – "his methods, not his ideology" – and how Soros had built up "cadres" throughout Europe. The monastery is the nationalist response to Soros liberalism. There is an idea war in Italy and the United States. To weaken the fight is to lose it. I am stuck in the liberal camp, but to win it helps to know and strive to understand his opponent.
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